Can We Fix Our Primaries? A Look at 2025’s Reform Efforts

As the 2025 legislative sessions draw to a close in a number of states, it is an opportune time to assess the state of primary election reform efforts across the country. After another election cycle, it is clear that the United States still has a “primary problem.” Our elections remain bitter contests, with winners narrowly prevailing and yet proclaiming a mandate to implement their agendas without compromise. Only small reforms to the primary system have emerged so far this year. Nevertheless, lawmakers across the country continue to explore ways to improve the accessibility and representativeness of primary elections.

A number of bills have successfully moved through their legislatures since January, though none make sweeping changes to their states’ electoral systems. Three primary reform bills—all in New Jersey—have crossed the finish line by being signed into law. These measures refine the electoral process by adjusting signature requirements for ballot access, extending the early voting period, and mandating an updated ballot design. Three additional bills await gubernatorial approval after passing both chambers of their respective legislatures. Arkansas has advanced legislation modifying its primary election calendar, while Indiana is considering new rules for appointing election watchers during primaries.

The most significant is a bill passed by the New Mexico Legislature that would allow unaffiliated voters to participate in partisan primaries by requesting a ballot from their preferred party without changing their voter registration. If signed into law, this measure would remove another barrier to participation and further open New Mexico’s primary system.

There has been little to speak of in terms of significant reform addressing how primaries themselves work. Following several statewide rejections of ranked-choice voting (RCV) in the 2024 general election, RCV reforms aimed at primary elections have struggled to gain traction. Bills seeking to implement RCV in primaries have been introduced in Connecticut, Illinois, Maryland, New York, Rhode Island, Texas, and Vermont. However, none have advanced beyond their original chamber, and many have stalled due to legislative deadlines.

Republican-led states remain particularly skeptical of RCV. West Virginia became the latest state to pass legislation banning the use of RCV in elections altogether. Despite this, many Republican legislators remain open to primary reform efforts that enhance the representativeness of election outcomes through other means. Both Utah and Wyoming considered bills requiring top-two runoff elections when no candidate secured a majority in the first round. Though not as efficient as RCV runoffs, two-round runoffs would nonetheless ensure that only candidates who have proven they can build consensus would win their primary races. While these bills each passed through one chamber, they ultimately failed in the other.

South Carolina also saw bipartisan support for a bill that would transition the state to a nonpartisan, all-candidate primary system. Under this proposal, the top two vote-getters—regardless of party affiliation—would advance to the general election. However, the bill has yet to progress beyond the committee stage.

While primary reform has seen underwhelming results in 2025, one lesson is clear: The continued legislative interest in improving election processes demonstrates a growing recognition that American elections often do not serve voters or candidates effectively. Whether through expanding access, improving representation, or ensuring election integrity, state legislatures remain active laboratories for democracy. Future sessions will hopefully build upon prior successes, with lawmakers seeking solutions that balance electoral competitiveness with broad voter engagement.